The GLIO Site

     One very essential question for the hustings seems to be how constituencies can place themselves in such a position that they will possess more power over their representatives to exercise more power over the Administration and Executive. Something must be done to render the position of a member of Parliament more of a political reality, but at present there are many obstacles and objections.

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     Another class of nominee boroughs are those which are invariably, and without the possibility of opposition, represented by members of a leading family in the neighbourhood; as Bewdley is by the WINNINGTON family, Droitwich by Sir JOHN PAKINGTON, Eye by the KERRISONS, Morpeth by Sir GEORGE GREY, Northallerton by the WRIGHTSONS, Petersfield by a member of the JOLLIFFE family, Tamworth by one or more PEELS, Thirsk by the GALLWEY baronets, Westbury by a LOPES, Wenlock by a FORESTER, and Wareham by an ERLE DRAX. These are only a few of the most obvious instances in which the idea of representation is quite farcical. To make the members for such boroughs of more absolute power over affairs of State, would be in fact to establish a local dynasty of small independent sovereigns. We should not restore the times of the seven Saxon monarchies, but establish a more confusing period of seventy or of seven hundred, if the representatives of each of these families became more influential and powerful in affecting the national destiny. The members for most of these close boroughs have hardly in any instance the least feeling of responsibility to their nominal constituents. A distinguished representative has recently made a good deal of the theory that the members for any town or borough or other constituency represent not so much the electors who return them as the whole of the English people, and by this theory the members for the small boroughs have perhaps a real constituency, but not by any other view of their standing and position in connexion with the electoral body.

     Many of the county constituencies are very little better with respect to their dependence upon lordly influences; and with this state of electoral affairs there must exist a considerable degree of reluctance on the part of some, and of indifference on that of other members of the Liberal party to see Parliamentary power increased. The large element of aristocratic nomineeism still existing in the House of Commons somewhat invalidates the claim for their proper degree of influence over public affairs which members who really represent important constituencies may authoritatively and rightfully claim. The country is not so weary of the reigning dynasty that it would strenuously exert itself to share the sovereign rights amongst SEYMOURS, HOWARDS, FITZROYS, FITZWILLIAMS, DUNDASES, CECILS, and PERCYS, who might not all be so well inclined to maintain constitutional rights as we suppose those who possess the prerogatives of Royalty to be. A preliminary step, therefore, to the full completion of our constitutional machinery is that the nominee boroughs should be converted into real representative constituencies, or should be abolished in favour of an increase of actual representation of electors. It is not to the members who belong to the Liberal party that an acknowledgment or denunciation of the imperfections of the present system is confined. The Conservative members for Devonshire have recently been enlightening their constituents upon matters rather agricultural than political; but in the very midst of their rural remarks upon stocks and harvests, one of them complained of the close borough system which sets up merely nominal representatives to compete in influence with the class of county members to which the speaker belonged. If the county members feel the grievance and denounce it, how much more must the town members, in the midst of their laborious and often irksome representative duties, feel the injustice to themselves and to their constituents which is involved in it.

     Many symptoms furnish strong indications that the representatives of large towns are overworked, and that the great constituencies cannot be adequately represented by so small a number of members. The health and patience of the most industrious and efficient members are sorely tried by the performance of such complicated duties. Some of the best men decline or retire from the honour of representing such immense interests as are involved in the membership for constituencies as numerous as the population of a German Grand Duchy, and far more wealthy and important. In both ways the present system acts badly, by filling Parliament with almost irresponsible legislators and with members whose representative duties nearly overwhelm them. The first step to remedy this imperfection in the distribution of power and representation is to divide the great boroughs and cities, or increase the number of their representatives. At present a great political injustice is done at every general election, and one of the results is that we are losing, or likely to lose, for some very important constituencies the men most likely to perform the duty well. At the next election Finsbury loses its most efficient representative, and the same overwhelming weight of duty which has transferred the services of Sir MORTON PETO to Bristol will affect any new member who gains the seat.