MR. HOLLOND'S DINNER at HASTINGS.
This dinner, which had been announced for some days, came off on Monday, at the Swan. Benjamin Smith, Esq., M.P., took the chair, and was supported on the right by H. Elphinstone, Esq., M.P., J. Manningon, W. Duke, sen., Adam Smith, and E. L. Richards, Esqrs ; and on the left Robert Hollond, Esq., Dr. Mac Cabe, G. Duke, — James, — Kendall, and W. Durrant Cooper, Esqrs.,
The Chairman, after the usual preliminary toasts, gave "The Members for the Town.”
Mr. Elphinstone said—On the part of my hon. colleague and myself I return you, gentlemen, my most sincere and heartfelt thanks. The Tories, gentlemen, ask, "What good has liberal government done you?” I, gentlemen, shall reply to that question by asking what your town was six or seven years ago, and what it is now? (Loud cheers.) Seven years ago, gentlemen, your borough was in the possession of one man—you had no voice it; it was sold to keep that man in place, that he might receive the emoluments of office (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, a liberal government has done away with that system. Respecting myself, gentlemen, my only reason for withdrawing myself as your representative is, that I cannot with justice to my family continue to place myself in opposition to Conservative gold. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, though I reluctantly decline being your representative, believe me that your kindness to me will never be forgotten. I will still be the member for Hastings (loud cheers) —and, gentlemen, to prove my sincerity, I have had the honour to introduce to you my hon. friend Mr. Hollond. (Tremendous cheering, which lasted several minutes.)
The Hon. Chairman next gave the health of Robert Hollond, Esq —(Enthusiastic cheering).
Mr. HOLLOND, in returning thanks, said he was exceedingly obliged to the gentlemen present for honouring him with their company that day. The electors had before them in his address the general principles of his intended political conduct; he would not therefore go through the different topics there adverted to, at any great length. He must, however, observe, that he should support the present ministry because they appeared to him to be a liberal, honest, and reforming ministry (cheers) ; and although he did not expect or think it desirable that any administration should in its reforms be in advance of public opinion, yet he did hope and confidently expect that the present government would enlarge their measures with the advance of public opinions, and the change in the times, so as to meet the well-founded demands and justify the confidence of the people. (Renewed cheering). He was for the ballot (great cheering) because he found no means but secret voting which would enable an elector to give his vote freely according to his conscience, and as his public duty required. No good man would punish another for voting according to his honest conviction and his well-formed principles; and he did not see why they should leave to bad and vindictive men a pernicious power which good men shrink from using. (Cheers). He thought that the church was rich enough to maintain itself—(great cheering)—and that the best means of sustaining its moral influence was by upholding it in perfect purity. He had been asked whether he would support extension of the suffrage. He wished for an extension of education, and he was decidedly of opinion that every man capable of forming a sound and unbiassed judgment should be entrusted with the franchise. He would sit down after proposing to them a toast,—the health of the gentlemen who had by their exertions materially contributed to place him in the high position he had then the honour to occupy in their esteem. To those gentlemen he personally owed much—the cause and the country owed more; and he would, by their leave, propose the healths of "Mr. John Mannington, the chairman, and the gentlemen who had composed the committee, and many thanks to them for their very valuable and efficient services.” The hon. gentleman then resumed his seat amidst loud and long-continued cheering.
Mr. Mannington returned thanks.
ADAM SMITH, Esq., having been called upon to give a toast, spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, before I give the toast which has been put into my hands, allow me to make a few observations I sincerely regret with you all the intended retirement of your trustworthy and talented member, Mr. Elphinstone, from the representation of your borough, and I deeply regret the cause of it; but I must also add that we have this day found some alleviation of our disappointment by the introduction of another gentleman as a candidate for your suffrages, who has openly and manfully pledged himself to support the same principles which you have already sealed and stamped with your approbation in the person of Mr. Elphinstone. (Cheers.) Independent electors ! yours is an awful responsibility. You are called upon to perform a most important duty, not only to speak and to listen to speeches, but to act. You have to contend with a party always on the watch, and ever hostile to civil and religious freedom, wherever it may found. (Hear, hear.) It is true that this hostility is sometimes disguised under the flimsy pretence of a love of order, under the more hypocritical plea of a regard for religion ; but the real foundation of their enmity has nothing to do with religion; it is a pure, unmixed hatred of liberty. (Enthusiastic cheering.) The Tories cry out that the church and religion are in danger. They know very well that this is not the fact —but it answers their purpose to say so, that they may frighten the ignorant and the timid. The fat sinecures, rich benefices, and pluralities of overgrown church establishment, both in England and Ireland, may be danger, and tottering to their fall—but depend upon it true religion, which has little to do with the good things of this world, never was more secure. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I hope you will ponder well upon this distinction, because no greater mischief can done to the cause of true religion than by considering the riches of the church its best or only support. These brawlers of the "Protestant church in danger” have never regarded any church, Protestant or Catholic, except for its emoluments, or as an ally of despotism. Two hundred years ago this same Tory party cherished the Catholic church in its dominancy and exclusiveness (heard, but in our own day they maintain the Protestant church establishment in Ireland, because it commands ascendancy and political power. In Spain, the success of Queen Isabella, is intimately connected with the cause of civil and religious liberty —but the Tories, who possess so much horror of the Catholic religion account of its doctrines and its bigotry, are at this very moment lending their utmost support both in and out of parliament to the cause of Don Carlos, the direst foe to freedom, the supporter of the monks, and likewise the restorer of the Inquisition. (Loud cheers.) So much for Tory pretensions to anxiety for religion. But, gentlemen, whatever we may think, we must now look about us ; for the great Sir Robert Peel has lately in a long speech at Glasgow expressed his determination to stand by and maintain to the last the Irish Protestant church establishment. This is fearful, because we must expect that Mr Planta and Mr. Musgrove Brisco, his disciples and followers, wildo the same. But again, if we look back to the history of Mr. Peel’s political life, shall find consolation, inasmuch as he expressed a similar determination to stand his religion when it was proposed to pass a bill to emancipate the Catholics. Sir R. Peel emphatically declared that the constitution would be ruined by it, stock and block; but two years afterwards an emancipation bill of much larger dimensions was actually proposed by him as minister of the Crown, and carried through the House of Commons. This was the conduct of the consistent Peel. In the year 1830 Lord Grey introduced into parliament the grand measure of reform. This measure Mr. Peel opposed with all his might in all its various stages through parliament till it finally passed both houses; but two or three short years afterwards Mr. Peel again returned to office, and did not hesitate to declare his determination to give full effect to the operation of that very reform bill which during Lord Grey’s administration he had so vehemently and violently denounced (Cheers.) This was consistency No. 2 of the great Sir Robert. Now, then, I ask, have we any reason to despair? I say, no. I confidently anticipate that the chivalrous and highminded ex-minister will by one great act put the crown upon the political martyrdom to which he has subjected his honour and his character for the sake of his country. (Laughter and cheers.) I tell you, gentlemen, we shall obtain municipal corporations for Ireland. I assert that the Irish nation will at last obtain a reformation of the abuses of the Protestant church establishment. (Renewed cheers.) Sir Robert Peel, in another little twelvemonth, will claim the merit and privilege of healing the wounds of his Irish countrymen. "Mr. Speaker,” he will say, "his Majesty has appointed me his minister, to give peace and tranquillity to my distracted country; the attempt can longer be delayed with safety, and with God’s grace I will be the man to undertake the glorious task.” This will be act consistency No. 3. of our political hero. Gentlemen, in the speech at Glasgow, to which I have before alluded, Sir Robert Peel says that in his tour through Scotland "he did not luxuriate in the sift repose of post chaise, but that he hired an humble but faithful steed to carry him to visit silver lakes and lofty mountain tops.” This was certainly very pretty and very modest ; but I must say that such language was peculiarly insulting to the noble animal on which he rode, inasmuch as I have reason to believe that he once belonged to and received his political education from Sir Charles Wetherell, of Protestant memory. I can easily conceive that the spirited beast, upon hearing the word "faithful” from the lips of Sir Robert, would turn upon him and say, "I scorn you and your compliment, apostate orator, faithless statesman!! Twice have you betrayed your country, and yet you talk to me of faith! l am a hired hack paid for my job of carrying you ; but, please heaven, were I a free horse, I would kick you off." (Laughter.) Gentlemen, I have detained you too long (No, no; go on.) I propose to give the independent electors of Hastings—but before Ido so, I would say a few words upon the sacrifices which I understand some of you may be called upon to make, in order to secure your independence from assault. I assert that the remedy is in your own power, provided you use it with discretion and firmness. Let any man or woman, of whatever rank or class, who shall attempt to tamper with your political independence, as such persons will doubtless be guilty of a great crime both against morals and the constitution of their country—let them, I say, be treated with the scorn and indignation they deserve. Let them be considered as the enemies of the town in which they live; and let every independent and honourable elector enter into a compact with his fellow townsmen, of whatever party they may be, to vote as one man against the person or persons who shall use against them any unfair or oppressive means of coercing their votes Or, if these means should fail of their object, let them loudly demand the ballot at the hands of the legislature, as the only remaining remedy for their injury. (Cheers.) Before I left London, the member for Petersfield, Mr. Hector, put into my hands a paper containing an account of Mr. Jolilfe’s conduct towards a tenant of his own who had declined to vote for his landlord, although he pledged himself, at the same time, not to vote against him, Mr. Joliffe. This tenant lay under great obligations to Mr. Hector, and for gratitude sake he declared he would not vote against him; and for this act of disobedience and virtue , Mr. Jolliffe brought three several actions of ejectment against Mr. Munday, his unfortunate tenant, and would have ruined him in the process had he not found the support which the public are always willing to give to those who are oppressed, more particularly in such a cause. I have mentioned this little incident to the company only to expose the individual case of oppression, but to show also that tyranny is sometimes defeated with its own weapons, (Cheers.) Gentlemen, this subject is painful to dwell upon. It is certainly afflicting to see virtue, honour, and independence trampled upon; but still I must say that I can imagine no spectacle more noble and magnificent than the poor and honest but high-minded elector boldly confronting, at the risk of his all, the tyrant oppressor who would coerce his conscience and his vote (Enthusiastic cheering). Compared with firmness, integrity, and virtue such as his, the honours of the statesman, or the glories of the warrior, weigh as nothing in the balance. Such heroism is not often, thank God, required in this country ; though in much-abused Ireland, of which we have heard so much, during the season of elections such tyranny and real martyrdom are of daily occurrence. At the last Carlow election a voter went up to poll against his landlord, and was taunted and threatened with ruin he persisted. He replied to his oppressor in these words “As God is my judge, I would rather die on the field of battle than vote against my good landlord ; but you (addressing his landlord) have joined the enemies of my country, and I must and will vote against you.” Men of Hastings, yours will never be his hard lot—to be ruined and undone for his honest vote; but I ask you to imitate the high and lofty spirit which he manifested on the day of trial (Cheers). Gentlemen, I will now give you "The Independent Electors of the borough of Hastings." —(Loud and long-continued cheers followed the close of this speech).
The CHAIRMAN next called upon Mr. Richards for toast (Loud cheers).
Mr. RICHARDS Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I have great pleasure in proposing the toast entrusted to me by your cornmittee ; and my satisfaction is greater when I call to mind that the subject matter of it and the cause of our presence here are so intimately blended that it is impossible to wish success to the one without cordially giving happiness to the other. l am proud to confess, gentlemen, that I was one of those who, at the period when the communication was made to us that you were likely to lose your valuable representative, Mr. Elphinstone, strongly urged our friend Mr. Hollond to go down and solicit your suffrages. I did this, as did the others, and particularly my learned friend who has so eloquently and ably addressed you this evening —not only from a conviction that Mr. Hollond was in every respect, in station, in character, in ability, perfectly fitted to become your representative, but also from the assurance that by procuring your assistance in returning to the House of Commons a man of sound principles and uncompromising integrity, we should serve the holy cause of civil and religious liberty, and best ensure the peace and happiness of our common country, I felt, also, gentlemen, from having had the pleasure of many years' friendship with your hon. candidate, that if his public conduct was likely to give you satisfaction, his private virtues were no less sure to win your esteem. It is not the mere possession of wealth or station that can serve the best interests of society, but the proper application of the means which Providence has placed within our reach, so as to benefit mankind and confer happiness on those around us; and in this respect I have the satisfaction of knowing that my hon. friend will not deviate from the pious distinction his family have enjoyed having their names enrolled as the powerful supporters of the noblest and most munificent charitable institutions our country can boast of. l am happy, gentlemen, to state to you, that the position which your candidate has hitherto been placed renders him peculiarly qualified to meet the wants and wishes of an active and intelligent constituency. Having been educated for honourable and distinguished profession, and his mind kept from the distraction of other and less useful pursuits, he comes to the task prepared by habits of industry and assiduity, ready to do your work as your representative, and willing to watch over and guard your nearest and dearest interests. It is a proud satisfaction, gentlemen, for Mr. Hollond, as I am sure it is a matter of congratulation to his friends, that during the course of a rapid but careful canvass he has been received in a manner to ensure his future success. Yes, gentlemen, in most places he was received with honest hearts and open arms; and in others, where the hearts were with us, but the arms were tied down (cheers), with enthusiasm so convincing, that could but the freedom of action accompany the freedom of thought, a majority so overwhelming could be secured would not only paralyse our enemies, but afford a bright and cheering example to the constituency of the empire (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I will not detain you long upon the principles laid down in Mr. Hollond’s address, by which he is prepared to stand fall. He is ready to support a Liberal administration upon public grounds as best becomes an honest and independent member of parliament; but he is also prepared to differ from the opinions of that administration when he finds them militate against the interests of the country, or too slow in urging forward the reformation of abuses, Once for all, gentlemen, he tells you that he is opposed to the ever-active and mischievous Tories. And why? because, like those who have this day done themselves the pleasure of supporting him, he is well aware that there is scarcely a single question of importance now before the public in which they are not opposed to the great body of the people. I say then, gentlemen, listen not to their plausible and jesuitical addresses, put forth with bad type, and worse intentions; but ask them personally—ask them if they will educate the people and extend their suffrages? Ask them if they will touch the pension list, and not spend thousands upon those who have never laboured to deserve them? Ask them if they will shorten the duration of parliaments, and so enable the representative quickly to give an account of ids stewardship? Ask them if they will give protection to the voter in the honest discharge of his duty by acceding to the vote by ballot? Ask them to do justice to Ireland? and watch well their answers (Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is time we should distinguish between our true friends and those who under the mask of friendship would deceive us and deprive us of our just rights. Remember, when "bad men conspire, good men must combine.” Let us not then hesitate between parties; but having tasted of that liberty, "which, though slow to come, did come at last,” boldly put our shoulders to the wheel, and send to parliament one whom can trust (Cheers.) Gentlemen, in thanking you most sincerely for the honour you have done us, permit me to hope that when our exertions are over, and when you have done your duty in returning Mr. Hollond your member, that the time will not be far distant when we shall again visit you, and in cementing the private friendships so happily for us formed amongst you, join once again in wishing success to the Liberal cause. The learned gentleman concluded very brilliant speech by giving "Prosperity to the town and port of Hastings.”
Mr. HOLLOND then proposed the health of their most excellent Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN—l thank you, gentlemen. I have now pleasing duty to perform. It is a duty which we, as inhabitants of Hastings, owe to gentleman who honours us this day with his company. Apart from his high political character, he has other claims upon our gratitude. He commands our esteem by his known benevolence, by the good that he does to the poor, the shelter he affords to the oppressed; for he is to be found where distress reigns, the bed of the dying he can daily be seen easing the pangs of the suffering. Gentlemen, need I name our respected friend Dr. Mac Cabe. (Loud and vehement cheering.) He has recently been elected by you a member of the town council; you did the cause of reform great service by that election. It tells me that Mr. Hollond’s election is secured. (Loud cheers.)
Dr. MAC CABE, in a neat speech, proposed "Mr. Duke, and the Magistracy of Hastings.”
Mr. Duke returned thanks.
After some minor toasts the company retired.