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Original Correspondence
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PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
LETTER VIII

To the Editor of the Western Times

    SIR—We find on an enquiry into an amount of the present population of the cities and the boroughs of the kingdom, that eighty seven (1) of those at present represented have a larger number than one thousand inhabitants, and less than five thousand. In the present state of population therefore, and it being conceded that it is not expedient to increase the number of members in the House, one should perhaps therefore determine, that towns of such small importance need not to be required to send any members; but since it has been deemed a privilege and not a duty, and as reformers must be sometimes contented with what is attainable, and not lose all by grasping at too much, therefore, by way of conciliating these numerous boroughs, we would propose that these 87 places should retain this privilege, but it does not follow that that representation must be continued by two members, the number granted to our largest cities and towns. Their small comparative interests can never require the same amount of representation according to Liverpool, Bristol and Hull.

    It is difficult to understand, what circumstances first induced our ancestors to fix on the number of two representatives for almost all places, whether a county, city, large sea port, small fishing town, extensive commercial city, or trifling agricultural village, but as there is no magic in the number, no evil need result from withdrawing a member from each of these places enumerated below.

    If these measures be conceded, we obtain vacancies for 147 members, viz.

    To supply these vacancies, and to do justice to the large commercial and manufacturing towns, we would admit the towns, (2) enumerated below, all of them having a population exceeding 10,000 persons, to the duty of sending two representatives to the House of Commons. These towns comprising some of the most influential in the Kingdom, amount to forty-four, will provide for eighty-eight members. There are also fifty-six towns, (3) having each a population of less than 10,000 persons, and more than 6,000, and from each of these we would require one representation only. That's eighty eight and fifty six will supply one hundred and forty four new members. In this arrangement, many members would be withdrawn from the West of England, and given to the North, where population and wealth in the last century, having accumulated in a greater degree than in any other part of the kingdom, fairly demands a more extensive representation. It may be said that thus Cornwall will be injured to benefit Lancashire, but if this be said, it will be by those who are unacquainted with the county of Cornwall, it's boroughs, and its local interests—for the inhabitants themselves, with the exception of the borough proprietors, and borough-mongers attach no importance to it. The best informed Cornishman consider their borough system as a mass of evil rather than a benefit, as actually an impediment to salatury improvements, checking all increase of population, trade, commerce, and knowledge, which the state and condition of the boroughs, and the abject population sufficiently demonstrate; but it may be retorted, if conferring this privilege be attended with such baneful effects, why inflict on Lancashire so great a calamity. Here, however, let it be remembered, that the evil arises not from representation in the abstract, but from its attendant consequences resulting from such small places being enfranchised, which necessarily fall into the hands of great landed proprietors, who must, in order to keep the place under their control, have as few persons to manage in the borough as possible. If these members were Cornishman, intimately acquainted with the local interests of the county, some advantage might have resulted from it, but out of the forty-six members, whom the county and its boroughs send to the House of Commons, not more than six Cornishmen can be found; and when subjects of local interest have arisen, occasioned by any measures affecting their staple commodities of copper, tin, or lead, or their fisheries, or their packet station at Falmouth, with difficulty have they mustered a dozen members from their representatives to confer with ministers on these measures of such vital importance to them; but when the great commercial and manufacturing towns of the North are admitted to this privilege, they have men amongst them, who from their wealth, their knowledge, and their influence are capable of representing not only the local interests of the county, to which of course their attention must be drawn; but from their being more intimately conversant with mercantile affairs, capable of advocating such measures as are calculated to uphold and support the maritime and commercial interests of the country at large.

    Some of the landed interest, who think their influence in the House of Commons not sufficiently powerful, will no doubt exclaim against any introduction of more commercial men; but they must please to remember, that this is a point greatly disputed, and that there are as many of opinion, that the landed interest preponderates in and influences too much the counsels of that House as they can muster of a contrary opinion. Whether this is so or not it is not the present purpose to decide: probably the truth is, that no exclusive interest so far prevails, as to do any outrageous acts of injustice to another party; but certainly by changing boroughs in Cornwall, for boroughs in Lancashire, we do not innovate on the Constitution; it must to be admitted, that the members from boroughs were more likely to represent the trading part of the community, and not the yeomanry and freeholders. And on the contrary, if we did give up representation by boroughs, and adopted any districts of the larger counties, we should innovate, for the sake of benefiting, landed interest at the expence of the commercial.

I am, &c.    SOMERS

Plymouth, Jan 19th, 1831