Winchester, March 10.  

  A Meeting was held here on Wednesday, convened by the high sheriff of the county, on the requisition of upwards of 300 persons of the first respectability, for the purpose of considering the propriety and necessity of petitioning the two Houses of Parliament to re-consider the distresses of the country, and to repeal the taxes upon malt and hops, beer, houses, and windows, as appearing to the requisitionists to be amongst those that pressed most heavily upon the middle and lower classes of the people, and to add to that distress so generally admitted to prevail throughout the kingdom.
  The meeting was opened by the High Sheriff, in the County Hall, and adjourned to the Grand Jury Room, in order that the speakers might address the persons assembled from the windows. There were about 4,000 persons present, consisting of the respectable yeomanry of the county, among whom were the owners of upwards of 50,000 acres of land.
  Mr. Hinxman addressed the meeting at greater length. He commenced by calling the attention of the meeting to the distress felt by the middle and lower orders of the community. He held in his hand a set of resolutions which he should have to propose to them, and he hoped they would meet with the approbation of the meeting; he would not propose them if he did not think they would do so. He was sorry they did not fall into abler hands; but, if the great fine horse, which ought to go first in the team, would not draw them, they must put a lesser horse in his place that would go. The first of the resolutions related to the King's Speech—or, more properly, what was commonly called the King's Speech—for it was no more his Majesty's Speech than it was his; it was prepared for him by the Ministers, in whom, of course, the King placed the most implicit confidence. A great personage has said that such a meeting as this was a farce; but he should show the King's speech was much more a farce. They had been looking forward with great hopes to the 4th of February, when Parliament was to open;-the country expected that something would then be done for them: and these expectations had not been confined to the male sex, for a lady, who had a large farm, had said to him, "See, my dear friend, what alarming times these are; I long for the meeting of Parliament, because then something will be done for us;" but how cruelly was she disappointed when Parliament did meet! The Kings speech set off by saying that the distress was partial; but it would puzzle the wisest heads to point out a little spot where it did not exist. He was sorry more of the leading men of the county did not attend the meeting. ("We don't want them.") He was not in sensible that some of the most respectable of them had signed the requisition, and he was willing to give them credit for kind feelings and proper motives. They say they don't like to embarrass his Majesty's Government. He believed they were perfectly convinced there never was so much distress known as existed at the present moment. He could give them evidence of it out of the mouth of the Attorney-General, used at the trial on the purity of election at Stockbridge, and nothing pleased him so much as to hear him, (the Attorney-General), say it, that not only were the rents not paid, but the landlords were obliged to advance the tenants money, to enable them to carry on their farms.—(Hear, hear.) This was now the state of things. Some years ago the great fear was that the Radicals would bring on anarchy and confusion. With regard to the changes in the currency, he found, in Cobbett's Register, the very consequences which had taken place as faithfully predicted as the eclipse of the sun and moon were stated in Moore's Almanack. Sir Francis Burdett had declared that the chief distress was caused by this very measure. The Earl of Radnor had declared the same in the House of Peers. In order to illustrate the subject of the free-trade system, he would suppose that he was the occupier of a farm at Dover, and that his friend had a farm at Calais. If he had to pay taxes and his friend had none to pay, how could he compete with him? This system was introduced by Mr Huskisson who had died a hard death as a Minister; but he was obliged to the Duke of Wellington for running his State sword into him, and thus relieving him from his misery, for he was struggling very hard. With regard to the Malt Tax, the poor man could not have his pint of beer, on a hot summers day, without paying a heavy tax. And a man could not have a house without paying for light. With regard to the expenditure of the public money, there should be a great retrenchment; he would recommend Government to go to his Majesty. If his Majesty would take half 1 million of his income it would be very simple. They had given the Prince of Saxe Coburg 50,000𝑙. per annum; but he thought he could do with a lesser sum than that now. If the great Duke was to spare a little, it would be very acceptable indeed; the smallest donation would be thankfully received. On the subject of Reform, the trial that took place last week here, relative to the borough of Stockbridge, clearly proved the necessity that existed for Reform, in the mode of sending Representatives to Parliament; for each had been proved, upon oath at that trial, that for many years 60 Guineas had been regularly given for a vote. In conclusion he would suggest that the petition to the House of Commons should be intrusted to Sir William Heathcote, whose name he was glad to see occasionally in the list of the minority. The petition would be presented to them by his friend Mr Marsh. It was a practice in the Courts of Law that the junior Counsel should open the pleadings, and that the leader should then address the Court: so it would be in the present instance.
  Mr. Hinxman then moved the following Resolutions:—
   1.  That the speech from the throne to the Parliament, at the opening of the present session, commonly called the King's Speech, has created a general feeling of disappointment and dissatisfaction, and was calculated to cause great dismay, if not despair, amongst various classes of the people of this kingdom.
   2.  That the great pecuniary difficulties providing the middle classes, and the misery, poverty, and distress existing amongst the lower classes of the people at the present period, exceed in extent and severity, by many degrees, that at any former period within the memory of man.
   3.  That it is the decided and firm opinion of this meeting, that if some speedy and effective remedy be not applied to lessen or allay these difficulties and this distress, this country must, in all probability, very soon become in a state of anarchy and confusion, and the wise and salutary laws that exist to hold together the bonds of society will be found insufficient for that purpose.
   4.  That this country has been in a great measure brought into this unprosperous state by the unjust, impolitic, and unconstitutional changes which have been so frequently made by legislative enactments in its circulating money currency; and that to depart from a paper to a metallic currency has operated as a robbery upon all debtors, whether of a public or private kind, and thus to compel the payment of debts and engagements contracted in paper money to be paid in metallic money is, in effect, the same as to pass a law to compel all the public and private debts in the kingdom to be paid in a much higher amount than that in which such debts have been contracted.
   5. That the interests of this kingdom have also suffered, and are now, in the opinion of this meeting, suffering, from the experimental and absurd system which has been resorted to under the name of "Free Trade;" for to suppose that a nation, either in its trade or agriculture, where taxes, tithes, poor rates, and various other heavy burdens exist, can compete with other nations where those burdens do not exist at all, or only in a much less degree, without due protection, is as unreasonable and unjust as to pay debts in gold that have been contracted in paper.
   6.  That this kingdom has also suffered, and is now suffering, from the want of a fair, equal, and proper representation of the people in the Commons House of Parliament, which has been so recently illustrated in a late trial in this county for bribery and corruption in the borough of Stockbridge, where it was proved upon oath that sixty guineas was the general and accustomed price for votes; and that such a reform should, in the opinion of this meeting, be made without delay, as would produce that feeling of sympathy and dependance between the electors and the elected, as seems to be implied in that axiom of our constitution which says "that no person shall be taxed but by his own consent."
   7. That the only mode by which, in our opinion, the severe distress and grievances of which we are here assembled this day to complain can be relieved, and rendered supportable with a metallic currency, is by a great and immediate reduction of those taxes which now press, with accumulated force, on the productive classes of the community.
   8. That, in order to make such a reduction of the public expenditure, all public salaries must be materially reduced, all unnecessary places and pensions be abolished, and of the great mill-stone of the nation – its common debt – must be pared down, either in principle or interest, in proportion to the altered value of money.
   9. That all the most burdensome and oppressive taxes should be repealed; among which we count those on malt, hops, beer, houses, and windows, those appearing to us to press most heavily on the middle and lower classes of the people, and therefore ought to be immediately repealed.
   10. That no trivial and paltry reductions in the public expenditure will, in the opinion of this meeting, avail; such as taking the chips from the workmen in the dock-yards, or reducing the salaries of the clerks in the Custom-house; but retrenchment and reduction should commence with all the heads and principles of the Government, and the greater the amount of the incomes and salaries, the greater ought to be there reductions; for it is by such reductions that this suffering and impoverished nation ought to be relieved from its present a distressed and perilous situation.
   11. That a petition to the House of Commons should be founded upon the foregoing resolutions, and entrusted to Sir Wm. Heathcote, bart., our County Member, for presentment, whose name it affords us great pleasure and satisfaction to find in the lists of some of the Minorities who voted in favor of the people during the present session of Parliament, and who is hereby requested to present and support the same.
  Mr. Marsh said the thanks of the Meeting were due to the High Sheriff, for having so readily complied with the request of the requisitionists; that the Duke of Wellington was also entitled to their thanks, for having expunged from the Statute Book that which tended to the disability of the Roman Catholics. This gentleman alluded to the distressed state of the agricultural interests—to the currency-and compared John Bull to a rat taken out of a tile-trap; it would be pressed quite flat by the load which was upon it. He went into the question at great length, and concluded by moving the petition, which was founded upon the resolutions.
  Mr. Hector, of Petersfield followed in the same line of argument.
  Captain Jervis proposed some resolutions, as an amendment, in which the question of Reform was omitted.
  Mr. Fleming said—As I am not upon the sick list, as suggested by the worthy Mr. Hinxman, who has so especially recommended me to your notice; I must beg permission to offer a few observations. I was not aware of the high dignity which awaited me, but I must say it would have been more in accordance with the liberality which Mr. Hinxman professes, if he had abstained from accusing me upon me are rumours, and distinctly stated in what I have neglected my public duty, in what I have considered my own private interests and advantage, and forfeited my claims to the respect, the confidence, and favor of the county. Gentlemen, I am always happy to promote your wishes, and should have felt much pleasure in presenting your petition, how do you thought proper to entrust it to my care: it is, however, in very good and perhaps abler hands; and I promise you it shall not want my support. (Cheers.) Since your suffrages placed me in the distinguished station in which I now appear, I have often met you in this place upon similar occasions. I always do so with the utmost satisfaction, considering the privilege of thus assembling, and boldly and fearlessly expressing our opinions of public measures—one of the most valuable rights of our free constitution, and one which, I trust, the people of this country will continue to exercise upon all proper occasions, whenever severe and daily-increasing distresses indicate that the legislature is either indifferent or ignorant of the evils which oppress the country, and the necessity of devising measures to arrest and mitigate them. Gentlemen, I came here today, under the influence of these feelings, but rather to testify my respect for those who might be present, and to hear your opinions, than to offer any suggestions of my own; being always anxious to learn the wishes of my constituents, and promote them as far as my sense of public duty and humble abilities will admit. I have indeed felt great pleasure in meeting you, and in listening to the gentleman who have addressed you. I will now, in my turn, make a few observations upon the topics under discussion, expressing myself with the freedom and frankness I have always exercised, in declaring my opinions upon the public questions, and which I will continue to exercise, regardless who they may favor or who offend, anxious only to fulfil my public duty, and redeem the pledge I gave on receiving your suffrages—that I would maintain the rights and constitution of Englishmen, and promote, to the upmost of my power, the honor, the happiness, the credit, and the interests of the Empire. (Cheers.) This pledge, Gentlemen, I must keep in view, in considering the resolutions proposed today, and the remedy suggested for the distresses, admitted upon all hands to be so unexampled and intolerable – so much so, that no one who has anything to buy or to sell, to pay or to receive, excepting those whose incomes are derived from the public funds and taxes, can for one moment doubt its existence. I concur, therefore, with the gentleman who have preceded me, in lamenting that the speech from the throne did not describe this distress, in language sufficiently strong and comprehensive; but when I heard the Ministers of the Crown admit the existence and severity of the distress, and to pledge themselves, by the adoption of the most unsparing economy and retrenchment, to afford every possible relief; I did not feel justified in condemning them for a mere verbal error, and in withholding my support from a Government which, from my heart, I believe the most honest, the most incorruptible, and the most efficient which has existed since I've taken any part in public life. (Great disapprobation, and cries of no, no, no.) But, gentlemen, I must still say, yes, yes; and, repeating my opinion, to Claire to you, that I shall continue to act upon it. But to return to the remedies for the distress. We must adopt one of two alternatives: –either reduce our taxes to the level of our diminished means, or expand our means in some proportion to the enormous amount of taxation we are necessarily required to provide. Those who proposed and supported these resolutions, have preferred the former of these alternatives; and, in furtherance of that opinion, they suggest the repeal of the duties on mulch, beer, hops, windows, and houses, amounting to an aggregate sum of nearly 11 millions. Nothing, Gentleman, can be more beneficial to the country, or more agreeable to individuals, than a reduction of taxes; and no one would rejoice more than myself, if it were possible to reduce every tax. But, Gentlemen, remembering the pledge already alluded to, I must request you to consider how far such an amount of income can be spared, consistently with the honor, the safety, and the credit of the country. I declare I am not one of those who, whilst I have a shilling to pay, will ever lend myself to a fraud upon any private or public creditor, will refuse the fulfilment of the contract to which the country was bound, on receiving his money in times of danger and distress. And I shall be the less inclined to approve such a proceeding, when I consider how many thousands of the poor and industrious classes are now enrolled among the creditors of state, being become depositors in the Saving's Bank, whose hard earned savings would be sacrificed with the funds of other creditors. Let us then look at the expenditure, and see what items may be spared to justify us in deducting so large and amount from the income of the country. I now hold in my hand, a copy of the expenditure for the year 1828, amounting to more than 54 millions, and of this enormous sum, no less than 37 millions are placed beyond the control of Parliament, being pledged to the public creditor, for the collection of the revenue, payments of bounties and draw backs, civil list, courts of justice, and other miscellaneous charges. Of the remaining 17 millions, no less than 5 millions are in the same way pledged to our brave countrymen, the pensioners of Greenwich and Chelsea hospitals; and as they have not spared their blood in our defence, I am sure we shall not deny them the amount necessary for their comfort under the affliction of the wounds and diseases incurred in the service of the country. 12 million is therefore only remain, and upon this, the government have already announced reductions to the amount of 1,300,000𝑙. leaving only between ten and eleven millions for the service and defence of the country, and the maintenance of our colonies, which item you propose to withhold by repealing these taxes. But supposing it possible to reduce every soldier and sailor upon the establishment, they are already entitled to certain allowances and half pay for their services, amounting to nearly half the sum required to maintain them upon the full establishment, consequently the large reduction required must be obtained from other sources, and I know none upon which it could be affected, excepting the payments to the public creditor. How inconsistent is it therefore, just send me to support the credit and honor of the country in Parliament, and ask me to concur in resolutions such as these. To do so would be rendering yourselves as hard task master is, as those who required the Israelites to make bricks without straw. If then you really believe that the country is unable to afford these payments, I think it is more in accordance with the manly and straightforward character of English men, to speak out plainly, and instead of asking for the repeal of taxes, upon which the fundholder relies for the payments due to him, at once to petition Parliament not to fulfil the engagements of the country. But it is said, you do not wish to withhold so large and amount of taxes, but merely to substitute for those which press so severely upon the lower classes of the people, a property tax upon the incomes of the more wealthy portion of the community. Be assured I will never object to any increased impost I am able to defray for the benefit of the poor and the suffering people I see around me. But I fear with our present reduced incomes, a property tax, of any considerable extent, would prove a very inadequate substitute for the taxes you would repeal. I have extracted from the public accounts, the net produce of the property tax, from the year 1804, to the end of 1817, when it was finally repealed, and find in the year 1805, the amount paid into the Exchequer, was only 3,578,889𝑙. upon an assessment of 5 per cent; and in the year 1817, after the whigs had been in power, and doubled the assessment to 10 per cent, the sum collected amounted to 12,276,870𝑙. I conclude, in the present state of the country, no higher assessment would be proposed then 5%, and I scarcely think it could be calculated to produce more than from 3 to 4 millions. But supposing a property tax did prove an adequate substitute for the indirect taxes, the benefit to the consumers is not always so great as may be expected. I have no great knowledge of these matters, but I lately heard from better authority, that the reductions of the multi duty would not make a difference or more than one in each pot of beer; and, therefore, the remaining cost must be accounted for between the brother and retailer. I doubt also if the barley growers would be benefited as largely as they anticipate from the repeal of this tax; for if the increased consumption of beer loccasioned an increase in the demand and price of barley, under the present Corn Laws, the importation of foreign grain would quickly beat down the averages of the markets, and the only persons benefited, would be the foreign agriculturists, the corn factor, and the importer. I cannot therefore consider that a reduction of taxes alone (however beneficial and desirable.) Would be found an adequate remedy for the distresses of the country. But another remedy is suggested by certain patriotic gentleman, who are not in the habit of receiving large rents, and therefore very liberally, and at the same time very safely exclaim "reduce the rents." Well, Gentlemen, I say reduce the rents—rents have already, since the war, been reduced 20, 30, 40, and, in some instances 50 per cent; and I believe, if the present system and policy is persisted in, must be further reduced to the same extent; and the time will come when it will be difficult to find occupiers for the land—rent free—and merely upon condition of defraying the poor rates and taxes assessed upon the produce. Let us then enquire what is the system and policy to which I attribute so large a portion of our difficulties. Since the Peace every Government administering the affairs of this country, have kept one object in view, and pursued one undeviating system and policy, the first measure of which was the Act of 1819, for restoring the Currency to the value it possessed previous to the Bank Restoration Act in 1797. The subsequent regulations with respect to trade, the changes in the Navigation Laws, and the withdrawing protecting duties from our native manufactures and produce, were parts of the same policy, had one and the same object, and produced the same effect in enabling our manufacturers to supply the foreign markets. Gentlemen, this policy was eminently successful, for notwithstanding the numerous rivals opposed to our merchants and manufacturers in these markets; notwithstanding that other nations, stimulated by our example and prosperity, became manufacturers themselves, the consumption of articles of our industry continues to increase; and we find in the last year that the export of a manufacturers was greater than any former period. But in their zeal for the foreign market, our political economists seem to have lost sight of the more important market at home; and that by diminishing the incomes, and crippling the resources of the best customers of our manufacturers, they would necessarily produce the misery which has so long ravaged the manufacturing districts, and has now unhappily extended to all parts of the empire. These liberal politicians dilate upon the benefits of reciprocity in our commercial relations with foreign states, but seem to forget the necessity, nay, I will say the justice of reciprocity at home, between the payers and receivers of taxes; and I must say of those whose incomes are derived from the taxes, prefer to deal with foreigners, and will not purchase our commodities, which constitute our wealth and power of contributing to the taxes, I know not how we are to furnish the same amount of payments. (Cheers.) These considerations, gentlemen, must prevent my concurrence in the resolutions for so large and sweeping a reduction of taxes; and still less can I approve of what is called "parliamentary reform." Not that I am standing here to advocate Stockbridge and other rotten boroughs, or to argue that the mode of electing members of parliament might not be greatly improved. But I cannot deny that the voice of the people is not powerfully and influentially heard within the walls of Parliament as now constituted. I do not say that the voice of the people compelled the Government and Parliament of those times to engage in the wars with America and France, to which we must attribute our load of debt and consequently difficulties; but no measure was ever undertaken more completely in accordance with the wishes and feelings of all classes of the people throughout the empire; and I think also our present distresses are in great measure attributable to a more recent experience of the same influence, when the people were urged to the claim against the paper rags, and petition for cheaper coin and low prices, forgetting that these must necessarily be accompanied by low wages. I know that the venerable fabric of our constitution is not free from defects, although it has ever been and still continues the wonder, the admiration, and the envy of all who have not the happiness to live beneath it shelter. Happy shall I be to aid in improving these defects, as far as is consistent with its safety and preservation; but zeal for ideal perfection shall never tempt me to risk its ruin and overthrow.-My mind is not sufficiently enlightened to keep the peace with what is termed the "March of Intellect," and I cannot therefore satisfy myself of the safety and advantage which will result from the schemes of these re-generators. I must therefore repeat the quotation Mr Hinxman recollects upon a former occasion, that "I would rather bear the hills we have, then fly to others which we know not of." I will not to say that I desire no change, but I will at once declare, that I least of all desire such change as those rare aves of the Black Swan would bring us.—(Loud laughter.) , I am sure these gentleman will not be offended with me for frankly and freely expressing my opinions; we shall not often agree upon public questions, but I hope we shall always meet in private life as good friends and neighbours. I suspect they will never think sufficiently well of me to honor me with a seat in their reformed Parliament; in the meantime, therefore, as long as the constitutional freeholders of this county honour me with their suffrages, and continue me in the proud situation of the representative in the present House of Commons, I will there continue to support the constitution of England as it now exists, and promote to the utmost of my power, the prosperity and happiness and the honor and interests of the Empire.
  Sir Wm. Heathcote, M.P., promised to present their petition, but recommended them to adopt such as might be carried unanimously. The Hon. Member argued the question at some length, Andrew was received with loud cheers.
  Mr. Mildmay, M.P., said they should look to votes and not to speeches; he had been brought in free of expense and it has cost the other candidates 10,000𝑙.
  Dr. Qaurrier addressed the meeting.
  Mr. Grant, of Portsmouth, seconded the amendment of Captain Jervis.
  The amendment was then put, but only one hand was held up. The original resolutions were then carried by acclamation. The petition was signed by the High Sheriff, to whom the thanks of the Meeting were voted.

PORTCHESTER 
JOHN OGLE 

 London, July 24, 1830.